By Jan Wouters, Tanguy de Wilde, Pierre Defraigne, Jean-Christophe Defraigne, Jan Wouters, Tanguy de Wilde, Pierre Defraigne, Jean-Christophe Defraigne
China, the ecu Union and worldwide Governance examines the major determinants of eu and chinese language ways to the restructuring of worldwide governance structures.
Using a multidisciplinary procedure, this number of chapters analyzes 4 targeted fields which are key for either China and the european and within the improvement in their family members and destiny cooperation: the worldwide buying and selling approach, the foreign financial approach, weather and effort coverage and foreign safeguard. within the context of China's growing to be position in worldwide governance and of EU-China cooperation, those contributions emphasize ideas, clients and pursuits of either actors. They define attainable avenues for an more desirable partnership in gentle of the altering international order, which means a rethinking of the present multilateral constructions.
This interdisciplinary learn will attract researchers and students drawn to international governance, eu international coverage, chinese language international coverage, ecu China kin, in addition to alternate, the overseas economic climate and weather switch rules. Postgraduate scholars in diplomacy, foreign political economic system, eu stories and chinese language stories, in addition to policymakers within the parts of exterior relatives and EU-China family members, also will locate a lot to curiosity them during this e-book.
Contributors: M. Aglietta, E. Atanassova-Cornelis, D. Belis, Q. Bo, H. Bruyninckx, B. Buijs, M. Burnay, P.-f. Chang, J. Chen, R.N. Cooper, H. Cuyckens, J.-C. Defraigne, P. Defraigne, T. de Wilde d'Estmael, J.P. Panda, S. Plasschaert, S. Schunz, B. Snoy, L. van Geuns, X. Wang, Y. Wang, J. Wouters, C.-H. Wu
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Extra info for China, the European Union and the restructuring of global governance
Even if the CCP leadership was able to protect most of the top Chinese scientists, the brutal and long disruption provoked by the Cultural Revolution in the universities and scientiﬁc community was not helping China to catch up. As soon as the opportunity to break its isolation arose, Mao and Zhou took it, even if it meant for Mao a cynical U-turn in internal politics. In 1969, at the height of the Cultural Revolution, while oﬃcial CCP propaganda targeted US imperialism as one of the main threats against ‘socialism’, the Chinese leadership was secretly negotiating their rapprochement with the US through Pakistan (Pollack, 1989).
The only contender was the so-called Soviet bloc but this constituted an inward-looking group of economies that were not part of the multilateral 30 China, the European Union and global governance system dominated by capitalist economies. When some of its members decided to join the GATT, such as Poland, Romania and Hungary in the 1960s and 1970s, they adapted to the existing set of rules. Some attempts were made during the 1970s by developing economies to improve their bargaining power vis-a`-vis the US and Europe with the creation of the Group of 77 in the GATT or the demand for a ‘new world order’ by Algeria at the UN in 1974 (Bairoch, 1997: Vol.
To facilitate the building of a relationship with the US, Mao made his position very clear describing his own anti-imperialist rhetoric to the US as ‘empty cannons’ (Kissinger, 1994: 728). Because of the strong and radical domestic opposition to the Vietnam War which threatened to destabilise the US, because of the loss of geopolitical credibility due to the stalemate in Vietnam (which was perceived in Washington as one of the reasons that emboldened the USSR to intervene so roughly in the crushing of the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia in 1968) and because of the dramatic macroeconomic consequences of the military spending on the US economy and the dollar, Nixon and Kissinger were determined to extricate the US from Vietnam without giving the Soviet Union a stronger geopolitical position.